ARGENTINA'S GENDER BUSINESS
Power, Profit, and Bureaucracy
The Pride celebration becomes the festive face of an international structure that promotes gender policies with transnational funding. A battle is being waged over what I call the "gender business," which sells the ideology of gender identity, claiming that sex is mutable, yet faces resistance from governments opposed to these policies.
This agenda has expanded with the support of international organizations under the pretext of human rights. Its success depends on embedding itself within institutions, where laws are enacted, bureaucracies are created, and educational systems, medical regulations, and legal arguments for courts are established. Activists, posing as politicians, experts, and academics, generate an artificial demand, mobilizing state resources in poorer countries.
The transnational gender agenda benefits its local promoters at the expense of women’s rights, their spaces, and opportunities, as well as the endangerment of children, as has been widely denounced. Resistance is emerging, such as Argentina’s elimination of LGBT policies in December 2023 and U.S. restrictions in January 2025 on federal funds allocated to foreign countries. Examples include the suspension of funding to the Argentine publication Anfibia and a $55,000 seminar funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) for women and LGBTQ journalists covering climate change in Argentina.
Leading this agenda are United Nations (UN) agencies, which mainstream gender across all possible domains. They provide technical assistance, funding, or simply the endorsement that national programs meet UN standards. In Argentina, NGOs, foundations, and the progressive elite further mobilize public funds. While the examples are limited, they reveal a clear pattern of influence.
Global Forces in Argentine Politics
According to the Global Resources Report 2021-2022 international funders allocated $51,117,886 to LGBTI projects in Latin America and the Caribbean, with Argentina receiving $1,258,345. Foundations like Wellspring Philanthropic Fund, Arcus Foundation, and governments such as the U.S., Canada, and the Netherlands drove this agenda, though recipient organizations are not specified.
Trans Distortion: Health at Risk
Gender-related healthcare is a key pillar of the business. Between 2006 and 2011, organizations like the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), UNAIDS, and the Pan American Health Organization supported Argentina’s Ministry of Health and Rosario’s Secretariat of Sexual Diversity in providing care for trans individuals. Governments conflate sex with gender, recording identities as early as six years before the 2012 Gender Identity Law (No. 26,743).1 In 2010, UNFPA and UNAIDS supported the HIV/AIDS program, training on transgenderism, while in 2012, alongside UNESCO, UNICEF, and the Huésped Foundation, they instructed the media on how to report on gender identities. The UNDP promoted "Friendly Clinics," formalizing the agenda. Consequently, the trans law endangers minors’ health with hormonal treatments for bodily modification, as warned in Chile, Finland, the UK, some U.S. states, and Norway. It also distorts public records and maximizes the penetration of trans products into the public system.
Indoctrination with Global Funds
The education system fuels demand by presenting self-determined gender identity as a human right. UN agencies like UNESCO and UNFPA, alongside Spotlight (supported by the European Union), lead these initiatives. UNICEF mandates that Comprehensive Sexual Education (ESI) be compulsory to ensure health, diversity, and gender equality.2 Governments like Canada allocated CAD$20 million in 2024 for a global ESI initiative (2024–2027), including Argentina.
The Open Society Foundations (OSF) of George Soros is a well-known NGO advancing progressive causes. OSF collaborated with Argentina’s Ministry of Education, whose minister reaffirmed gender equality as a priority. It also provided $200,000 to the Latin American Justice and Gender Team (ELA) for equality education, $40,000 scholarships for young feminists for ESI, and $200,000 in 2023 to Trans Women Argentina for LGBTQ rights. Would these organizations lose momentum without external funding?
Tailor-Made Laws with Foreign Money
Strategic litigation is used to impose the concept of gender identity by challenging laws and removing obstacles. In 2011, media personality Flor de la V successfully changed the sex on her documents based solely on her declaration, supported by the Argentine LGBT Federation (FALGBT) and the Association of Transvestites, Transsexuals, and Transgenders of Argentina (ATTTA). While no clear evidence identifies the funding source, FALGBT’s affiliation with the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans, and Intersex Association (ILGA) suggests possible foreign support. The government at the time enthusiastically backed these ideas, facilitating changes without significant financial outlays. OSF has long supported the Argentine NGO Center for Legal and Social Studies (CELS), committing $2,500,000 for institutional support from 2022 to 2025.3 One recent action involves advocating for a pension for thirteen men, described as “thirteen transvestites and trans women,” due to discrimination and institutional violence.
UN Women, supposedly defending women and girls, also funds these lawsuits. In 2020, it granted $150,000 to the Andhes Foundation (Lawyers and Human Rights Advocates of Northwest Argentina) to defend cis women, trans individuals, and lesbians facing violence. In 2022, it provided $117,500 to the Citizens’ Association for Human Rights for the “Maravilla de Mujeres contra la Violencia” project, supporting women with disabilities, trans individuals, non-binary persons, and migrants. This group collaborates with organizations like the Association of United Migrant and Refugee Women (AMUMRA), ATTTA, and the Federal Multisectorial of Women and Dissidences.
Employment by Ideology
Another area of gender exploitation is the promotion of inclusive spaces in the state and businesses, funded externally. UNAIDS, UNFPA, and UNDP support this in Argentina through the civil association Impacto Digital. In 2023, these entities, alongside the Dutch government, funded 49% of the program with $23,520,591, with an additional 43% ($63,490,936) from foundations and companies. In 2024, Argentina stood out, with 55 of 82 participating organizations earning the “Best Places to Work for LGBT+ 2024” designation. This impacted 224,649 employees, a 120% increase from the previous year, with participating companies growing from 76 to 82 (an 8% rise). This scheme led to the 2021 national trans quota law (No. 27,636) and similar laws in provinces like Buenos Aires, Córdoba, Santa Fe, and Neuquén, as well as trans employment in national universities.4 The strategy creates bureaucracies that prioritize gender identities over skills and merits.
Distinguishing between international organizations, private foundations, and local governments is not easy, and that seems to be the nature of the business. These players operate in a global network of alliances, coordinated by a cadre of politician-expert-activists simultaneously occupying roles in international and national organizations, government, and media.
Aligned Media
Foreign-funded media amplify trans rights, creating artificial demand for gender identities and enforcing political correctness. For example, Canada gave $15,535 (2020–2021) to Presentes: Gender and Human Rights to highlight LGBTI issues during COVID-19. OSF funds outlets like Anfibia and Cosecha Roja, trains journalists on gender issues, and supports Chequeado.com, which follows this agenda with funding from UNESCO, the Endowment for Democracy, the Canadian and U.S. embassies, and others.
Selling Mainstreaming as Innovation
In 2018, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) granted a $44.3 billion loan that promoted gender mainstreaming through the Plan for Equality of Opportunities and Rights, expanding the agenda across the state structure.5 This led to the 2019 Micaela Law (No. 27,499), mandating gender perspective training for all three branches of government (executive, judicial, and legislative), extending to provinces and national universities.6
In 2021, the Central American Bank for Economic Integration (BCIE) provided $50 million to address gender-based violence and promote equity. The Acompañar a program of the Ministry of Women, Gender, and Diversity uses these funds, directly benefiting 258,000 people with access to justice and support. It covers all 24 jurisdictions, training 35,840 facilitators, equipping 12,000 promoters, and building Integrated Territorial Centers. These measures entrench gender bureaucracies at all government levels, creating a permanent labor market dependent on public funds.
Forced Solidarity, Assured Business
Another funding source is a mandatory 0.5% contribution from all workers’ gross salaries, regardless of union status, which supports union gender-equity initiatives. For example, the State Workers’ Association (ATE), one of Argentina’s largest unions, representing national, provincial, and municipal workers, celebrates this contribution with inclusive language: “We grow together: the solidarity contribution of workers will fund training initiatives and various social actions.” Most teachers’ unions are also transactivist, as summarized in a graphic.7 Private school teachers’ unions continue mobilizing against the anti-LGBT government, joining forces with FALGBT.
The Gender Business Loses Ground
The once well-funded and influential agenda is stalling under President Milei.8 As head of the executive, he dismantled the Ministry of Women, Gender, and Diversity, the National Institute Against Discrimination, Xenophobia, and Racism (INADI), and banned inclusive language in official communications. He also curtailed the Micaela Law, limiting mandatory gender and family violence training to specific agencies, and did not enforce the trans quota. Two decrees (61/2025 and 62/2025) restrict the trans law, assigning prison placements by birth sex and prohibiting gender treatments for minors.
The judiciary and legislature are also withdrawing support. Congress eliminated trans-related training for both chambers, and the judiciary, which previously offered extensive training to judicial workers, now provides only three courses on justice and gender, indicating waning interest.
Provinces Cling to the Business
While the national government halts institutional progressivism, provincial policies persist,9 likely to secure votes and sustain transactivist bureaucracies reliant on public employment.10 The gender agenda endures in provinces like Jujuy (Provincial Council of Women, Equality, and Diversity), Salta (Secretariat of Women, Gender, and Diversity), Tierra del Fuego (Secretariat of Women, Gender, and Diversity), and even Buenos Aires City (General Directorate of Coexistence in Diversity under the Subsecretariat of Citizen Culture and Human Rights).
In the most populous province, Buenos Aires, the Ministry of Women and Diversity, created in 2019, leads by extending its influence across public management, backed by four key sub secretariats that mainstream gender and amplify its message through specialized directorates. The province has not slowed its health initiatives, increasing hormone therapy centers for those 13 and older from 20 to 141 in 2025. Between 2020 and 2023, it spent over $2 million on hormonal treatments, including for minors. In education, spending continues on gender identity ideology, with $4.385 billion invested in 1,218,000 ESI books, distributed despite controversy and complaints.
In Summary
The analyzed examples—funding from UN agencies, foundations like Soros’s, and coordination among national actors—demonstrate that the supposed demand for gender identity is not rooted in historical reality but in a profit-driven strategy imposed from above. The gender ideology insists that transgender individuals have always existed, silenced by an oppressive system, but sex, as an immutable biological fact, refutes this narrative. Far from reflecting a universal truth, this agenda forces universal acceptance, serving the interests of groups that manipulate emotions to consolidate power.
Dear Readers,
Argentina’s gender agenda profits at women’s expense. Expose it by sharing this article and defending sex-based rights. Join the fight!
Ani
The 2012 Gender Identity Law allows individuals to change their legal sex based on self-declaration, a pioneering but controversial policy.
Comprehensive Sexual Education (ESI), mandatory since 2006, promotes gender identity in Argentine schools, often backed by foreign funds.
CELS, a prominent Argentine NGO, advocates for human rights and gender issues, often with significant foreign funding.
The 2021 Trans Quota Law mandates a percentage of public sector jobs for trans individuals, criticized for prioritizing identity over merit.
Argentina’s economic crises and reliance on foreign loans make it vulnerable to international influence, including gender-related funding conditions.
The Micaela Law requires all public officials to undergo training on gender perspectives.
Argentine unions, like the State Workers’ Association (ATE), are powerful and often support progressive agendas, funded by mandatory worker contributions.
Javier Milei, Argentina’s libertarian president elected in 2023, opposes progressive gender policies and has dismantled related state institutions.
Argentina’s federal system grants provinces autonomy, allowing them to maintain progressive gender policies despite national reforms.
Peronism, a dominant Argentine political movement, blends populism and social justice, historically supporting progressive causes like gender policies.